‘The richness of textile traditions link people the world over, for fabrics are a non-verbal language that tell us the cultural history of a people, their place in the world and even their beliefs.’ (Dhamija 2006:266).

Meaning is encoded in cultural objects in many different ways and is never static. Objects continuously travel in and out of categories of meaning, particularly when the objects themselves also travel physically. Trade goods are the focus of this research paper, which will examine the Dr. Thomas J. Hudak collection of textiles, purchased in Indonesia. The textiles in Dr. Hudak’s collection resemble the Indian textiles found at the center of enormous trade markets in the 1600s. Dr. Hudak’s stunning collection was on display at the Arizona State University Museum of Anthropology in 2010 as part of the exhibit, Trading Cloth and Culture. Examined through the four themes of Technique, Trade, Aesthetics, and Cultural Significance, the textiles in this collection present us with the opportunity to study the nature of objects that have traveled great distances. “Textiles are an important medium in cultural studies because of their universality and mobility. They circulate within specific cultural milieus and also serve as a vehicle for the transmission of ideas between cultures” (Guy 1998:7). From Dr. Hudak’s collection, we can see the ways in which objects are given meaning and how these meanings constantly shift and evolve.

Above: Weaver in Mahasarakham Province, Northeast Thailand. photo by H.Leedom Lefforts  fine arts magazine

Technique

Before examining the widespread textile trade and the far-reaching impacts of this economic endeavor, it is important to first understa nd what these Indian cloths are, and what made them so immensely desirable in Indonesia and Southeast Asia as a whole. When the textile trade began, cloths were already being woven in Indonesian traditions using the natural resources available there. In Indonesia, “despite having an ancient and highly developed weaving tradition of its own, there was considerable demand for imported textiles, especially from India” (Barnes 2006:99). Differences in natural resource availability between India and Indonesia resulted in very distinct weaving and dying traditions, and created a significant difference in products. “The Indian subcontinent has been blessed with abundant supplies of the materials necessary for the production of cotton and silk textiles and of the dye-stuffs for their decoration” (Guy 1998:19), whereas Indonesian weavers perceived their available resources as less brilliant and exotic. “The delicate fabrics and dazzling colors of these Indian textiles would have contrasted dramatically with the local cloths of heavy cotton and the somber blue that seems once to have been Indonesia’s major dye” (Gittinger 1979:45). These exotic textiles, unable to be replicated in Indonesia and made more valuable by their scarcity, became strongly desired trade goods in the islands.

In particular, the dye plants available on the Indian subcontinent were unrivaled in brilliance compared to the colors provided by Indonesian flora. Dyes were derived from raw plants, which would be chopped, soaked, squeezed, and boiled. A variety of plants were available to provide bold colors. The principal dyes used for Indian textiles were in digo (blue), chay and madder (red), but black, violet, green, and yellow could also be derived from Indian plants or imported from the Middle East. Dyeing also required a fixative agent, or mordant, to adhere the dyes to fibers. Mordants came from a variety of sources, such as urine, salt, or lime. Alum and iron were also favored mordants for trade textiles, and the mordants interacted with dyes to produce unique colors.

One of the most highly sought after textile exports from India was patola, a silk double-ikat from Gujarat, where both warp and weft were dyed before weaving into the desired patterns. In layman’s terms, the threads for weaving were tied together and dyed selectively. Making patola was “an extremely complicated process developed over the centuries [that] represents the acme of the weaver’s skill” (Sarabhai 1988:11). Mastery of this skill was highly guarded and many secrets were kept to prevent the profitable practice from spreading too widely. Textile patterns were also made through combinations of resist-dyeing and block-printing methods. In resist-dying, molten wax or moist mud was applied to areas of the cloth which were not intended to accept dye, and the cloth as a whole was dyed leaving behind a negative pattern. Wooden blocks or qalam pens were also used to print patterns onto textiles. Overall, the process of creating textiles for trade was very time-consuming and a cloth of 5-6 meters could take up to 6 months to make. “Cloth was spun and woven in one place, where there was raw cotton and labor, and then transported for painting and dyeing to an area with abundant supplies of clean water essential to the patterning process. The finished textile was finally taken to a collection point for grading, stamping, and marketing” (Guy 1998:21). This complex process for textile production added value to the cloths, making them highly sought-after trade goods for which the makers were well-compensated. However, the scheme under which these textiles were traded was more complicated than monetary exchange. The triangular market in which Indian trade textiles played a crucial role will be discussed in the following section.

Trade

Although dating back as far the 5th century, the trade of Indian textiles to Southeast Asia peaked in intensity in the early 1600s. Many factors influenced the character and magnitude of textiles’ production in India and purchase in Indonesia. Trade is complex; “the path to achieve [trade] meanders through political factors, economic changes, business methods and relationships, not to mention individual propensities” (Kahlenberg 2006:35). Resource availability and cultural practices also become tied up in trade routes, and trading partners are never left unchanged by their encounters. “Textiles were traded from one part of the world to the other, linking people and transferring technologies, ideas, concepts, and philosophies” (Dhamija 2006:263). The impacts of the textile trade were far-reaching, deeply influencing the people and the objects involved in this economic endeavor.

As part of a triangular market, European merchants exchanged capital for textiles in India, later to trade these textiles for spices in Southeast Asia. Different spices were indigenous to various regions in Indonesia. In particular, pepper, cloves, nutmeg, and mace were top sellers and of highest demand in Europe, the Mediterranean, and China. An enormous volume of European merchants traveled to Indian ports, obtaining the spectacular cloths, and continued on to Indonesia where demand for these textiles was strong. As described by Duarte Barbosa, a traveling merchant,

‘[Indian cloths] are held in great value here, and every man toils to hold a great pile of them that when they are folded and laid on the ground one on the other, they form a pile as high as himself. Who so possess this holds himself to be free and alive, for if he be taken captive he cannot be ransomed save for so great a pile of cloth’ (Gittinger 1979:15)

While capital was used to obtain textiles in India, selling prices of spices in Southeast Asia were expressed in terms of textiles. Cloth was accepted as “the most common form of currency. The reason that Indian textiles were used in this manner was because they were sufficiently scarce as well as standardized in size and their coloration set them apart from those produced locally” (Kahlenberg 2006:145). At the height of the textile and spice trade, one Indian cloth sold for as much as 40 pounds of nutmeg (Gittinger 1979:15).

The triangular trade was huge and sustained over many centuries. Weavers began responding to particular demands from merchants, as each region in the spice trade had specific desires for textile patterns. The market gradually became more formalized as export volume grew. While European merchants were primarily concerned with obtaining spices at the advent of the spice trade, it soon became obvious that great profit could be made by obtaining Indian textiles in exchange for spices in Southeast Asia. As the trade progressed, European trading companies exerted greater control over commercial activities of weavers, painters, and dyers. By mid 1600s the Dutch had forcibly secured control over the textile trade after recognizing its commercial potential, and made efforts to control trade in Indonesia based on a system of licenses and stamps for all imports. Although the enormous trade market lasted for centuries, textile currency was eventually driven off the market by coins after 1680. “Like Indian textiles, [coins] were scarce and standardized, but they were not perishable like textiles” (Kahlenberg 2006:148).

Textiles were a particularly convenient unit of exchange for merchants traveling long distances. Textiles are unique in their “convenient portability; while in the long term considered fragile, textiles are initially far more durable and easier to transport than, e.g., glass and ceramics. They were, therefore, primary sources of cross-cultural influences” (Barnes 2006:113). The impacts of the textile and spice trade are far-reaching and much deeper than economics. Trade has the potential to shape history, and “it was a direct result of these cloths, and the international hunger for spices that they helped satisfy, that much of the history of Asia, and indeed Europe, was shaped” (Guy 1998:16). Cultural impacts were also great; along with this trade came the spread of Islam to India and Southeast Asia, as well as influences on local artistic styles. The following sections will examine non-economic impacts of trade goods, first from the standpoint of art and aesthetics, and later through the lens of cultural significance.

Aesthetics

“Textiles have been—and still are—a major transmitter of design and technology, and they tend to convey considerable social meaning” (Barnes 2006:111). Trade objects have great communicative value, and the symbols and patterns found in trade textiles speak volumes about the producers as well as intended recipients. Textiles made in India for trade to Southeast Asia were distinct in appearance with a great deal of variation. Overall, the aesthetic was a mix of Indian designs as well as symbols and aesthetic elements desired by the recipient region. “Printed Indian [cloths] had been specifically adapted to suit each geographic, national, or cultural area” (Kahlenberg 2006:135) being traded to; the market strategy was to design for the taste of the client. While marked by regional difference, the typical composition of a trade cloth included a large center design bordered by a sharp sawtooth pattern on either end.

As a result of the long-lasting textile trade, aesthetic elements were constantly traveling and being altered from both ends of the trade routes. “Traffic in imagery between the cultures [of India and Southeast Asia] must have been continuous, creating a melting pot of design elements formed and reformed through time” (Guy 1998:17). Designs from imported textiles were adopted in Indonesia; “cloths were so prevalent in cultural lives that motifs and designs became integrated into locally woven cloths” (Guy 1998:10). The impacts of aesthetic influence traveled in both directions; not only did Southeast Asian cultures adopt the patterns found in their imported textiles, but the designs dyed in Indian export textiles over time “adapted to [Southeast Asian] religious beliefs [and] aesthetics” (Kahlenberg 2006:148).

However, the adoption of foreign patterns into local aesthetics was not done without local cultural influence. “Indonesia accepted and absorbed elements of Indian culture in a selective manner and transformed them, through its own ethos and genius, into something uniquely Indonesian” (Sarabhai 1988:10). Indeed, through sustained international trade, “Indonesia could scarcely avoid massive foreign impact on its art forms, including its textile arts. Many of these influences were adopted, but usually on terms that recast them to fit a local aesthetic. What has emerged is an Indonesian expression that is both artistically rich and culturally meaningful” (Gittinger 1979:49). The cultural impacts of trade do not stop in the aesthetic realm, but many other cultural factors were impacted by the import of textiles to Southeast Asia.

Cultural Significance

The trade market for textiles in Southeast Asia was driven by demand for cultural needs related to textiles, such as social, ceremonial, and ritual uses. Typically, three main functions of Indian textiles could be seen in Southeast Asia: clothing (daily and ceremonial), ritual (ceremonial decorations, gift exchange, and rites of passage), and stored wealth (objects of inheritance and status symbols). Originally, upon the arrival of these trade cloths, they were most valued for their “glowing colors, complex designs, and exotic silk material. However, when their status was augmented by time and use, they acquired a sacred character as well” (Gittinger 1979:29).

Not surprisingly, textiles obtained through trade were often used as clothing. “In many parts of Southeast Asia, patolas were used for garments—waistcloths, trousers, shawls, scarves, and belts…[and] the ancient heritage of India has been wonderfully woven into the fabric of their own cultures” (Sarabhai 1988:14). However, numerous significances were applied to these textiles above their utilitarian use as clothing items, and

an Indian export textile acquired an acculturated Southeast Asian meaning quite distinct from that intended by the producer. The cultural boundaries in which it operated were very often localized and specific. The importance of the non-utilitarian uses to which Indian textiles were put in Southeast Asian societies is underscored by the sheer volume of the trade, which far exceeded the needs of the region, given that much of the clothing of the people was provided by inexpensive locally woven goods (Guy 1998:9-10).

In different regions of Southeast Asia, Indian textiles were put to culturally-specific uses. Each culture that encountered the trade items integrated these textiles into existing cultural practices in unique ways. For example,

in Java [textiles] are esteemed as garb for weddings and the rites marking other transitions in life, and at one time certain motifs were reserved for private use by the royalty in Central Java…On Bali patola are hung in the temples, and in times of illness small fragments of the textile are burnt for the patient to inhale or to put his feet into the smoke. On Sumba possession of certain patola remained the exclusive prerogative of the highest class, who had the designs copied into their own textiles, which were used together with imported pieces at royal funerals an important occasions…One could cite many other examples of past and present customs regarding patola in the islands of Indonesia to confirm the exalted position this particular Indian cloth held there (Gittinger 1982:153).

Trade textiles were adopted throughout Southeast Asia and became essential in daily life. Cloths “play a central role in the ceremonial and ritual life of most Asian societies, as signifiers of rank and as bearers of other social messages” (Guy 1998:7). The importance of textiles in Southeast Asian societies has been expressed even recently by an Indonesian weaver, with the strong statement “’without cloth we cannot marry,’ and one may add, nor die and be buried in a respectable manner” (Barnes 2006:102). Textiles have become so integral to cultural practices in Southeast Asia that the foreign character is all but lost; when accepting these trade items, each piece of cloth becomes an object of the recipient’s culture.

Another commonly found reaction towards Indian textiles in Southeast Asia was revering the cloths as wealth, which is logical considering they were items received through exchange. Textiles were elite and conspicuous consumption goods in Southeast Asia. Exotic goods, such as textiles, tangibly demonstrated rulers’ wealth as proof of access to international sources. Textiles literally came to embody the supernatural authority of rulers and were symbols of status and wealth. “Textiles are transcendental wealth, but they are real wealth too, and their display affirms possession of both to the society as a whole” (Gittinger 1979:39). Clearly, Indian textiles were given enormous value in Southeast Asia aside from the more obvious utilitarian values. Textiles literally wove together the cultural lives of people throughout Southeast Asia.

Traveling Objects

As illustrated by the widespread exchange of textiles, spices, and currency in the 1600s, trade of objects has the immense capacity to transform those objects and the cultures that encounter them. Cross-cultural influences result from the transfer of objects. The objects, as well, are profoundly altered through trade. Objects are given meaning in culturally- and context- specific ways, and as the objects change hands they also change meanings. What served as a form of currency for European traders functioned as valuable cultural objects in Southeast Asia, capable of deeply affecting cultural practices and norms.

However, objects such as Indian textiles do not stop their journey of meaning upon their initial trade. The meanings of these textiles would continue to be altered as they were passed from person to person, throughout time and across the world. The textiles in Dr. Hudak’s collection have been ascribed new meanings when purchased by a collector and put on display in a museum. The meanings of these cloths are not finished changing, and one can only predict where they will travel to next. As illustrated by the textiles in Dr. Hudak’s collection, objects literally “travel” through spheres of meaning, and carry with them a great deal of baggage that is continuously being transformed.

by Hannah Kusinitz, Contributing Writer

Visit the collection of tropical artifacts at: www.tropenmuseum.nl

Read Part I of a series on weaving traditions, by Judy Newland in the ARTES, August, 2010 Archive 

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Works Cited:

Barnes, Ruth. 2006. Indian Textiles for Island Taste: The Trade to Eastern Indonesia. In Krill, Rosemary (ed). Textiles from India: The Global Trade. Papers Presented at a Conference on the Indian Textile Trade, Kolkata, 12-14 October 2003. Calcutta: Seagull Books.

Dhamija, Jasleen. 2006. The Geography of Texitles. In Krill, Rosemary (ed). Textiles from India: The Global Trade. Papers Presented at a Conference on the Indian Textile Trade, Kolkata, 12-14 October 2003. Calcutta: Seagull Books.

Gittinger, Mattiebelle. 1979. Splendid Symbols: Textiles and Tradition in Indonesia. Washington, D.C.: Textile Museum.

Gittinger, Mattiebelle. 1982. Master Dyers to the World: Technique and Trade in Early Indian Dyed Cotton Textiles. Washington, D.C.: Textile Museum.

Guy, John. 1998. Woven Cargoes: Indian Textiles in the East. New York: Thames and Hudson.

Kahlenberg, Mary Hunt. 2006. Who Influenced Whom? The Indian Textile Trade to Sumatra and Java. In Krill, Rosemary (ed). Textiles from India: The Global Trade. Papers Presented at a Conference on the Indian Textile Trade, Kolkata, 12-14 October 2003. Calcutta: Seagull Books.

Sarabhai, Mrinalini. 1988. Patolas and Resist-Dyed Fabrics of India. Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishers.

Works Cited

Barnes, Ruth. 2006. Indian Textiles for Island Taste: The Trade to Eastern Indonesia. In Krill, Rosemary (ed). Textiles from India: The Global Trade. Papers Presented at a Conference on the Indian Textile Trade, Kolkata, 12-14 October 2003. Calcutta: Seagull Books.

Dhamija, Jasleen. 2006. The Geography of Texitles. In Krill, Rosemary (ed). Textiles from India: The Global Trade. Papers Presented at a Conference on the Indian Textile Trade, Kolkata, 12-14 October 2003. Calcutta: Seagull Books.

Gittinger, Mattiebelle. 1979. Splendid Symbols: Textiles and Tradition in Indonesia. Washington, D.C.: Textile Museum.

Gittinger, Mattiebelle. 1982. Master Dyers to the World: Technique and Trade in Early Indian Dyed Cotton Textiles. Washington, D.C.: Textile Museum.

Guy, John. 1998. Woven Cargoes: Indian Textiles in the East. New York: Thames and Hudson.

Kahlenberg, Mary Hunt. 2006. Who Influenced Whom? The Indian Textile Trade to Sumatra and Java. In Krill, Rosemary (ed). Textiles from India: The Global Trade. Papers Presented at a Conference on the Indian Textile Trade, Kolkata, 12-14 October 2003. Calcutta: Seagull Books.

Sarabhai, Mrinalini. 1988. Patolas and Resist-Dyed Fabrics of India. Ahmedabad: Mapin Publis